Rites and social practices
An Eccentric “Baptism”
The Rite of the Heir in Nerito
A Sower carrying a bucket and scattering ash along the way, followed by a Poet on horseback, a self-styled Bishop, and a bearded Mammina (midwife figure); a plough pulled by Bovini (human “oxen”), urged on by the Bifolco (ploughman)and his assistants, move through the streets of the village, accompanied by other bizarre figures. They stop in front of the homes of recently born firstborn children, where their task is marking their entry into human society, wishing them a prosperous life among poems, ritual mockery, and offerings of food. The Bovines suddenly break free, only to be chased and re-yoked with determination, so that the multifaceted journey can continue until nightfall.
“I baptise you in the name of the Father, the Son, water, and a little wine”.
Claudio Galassi, the Bishop, 4 March 2025
The Heir of Nerito, a hamlet in the municipality of Crognaleto located between the springs of the Vomano River and the Monti della Laga, is an itinerant ritual held on Shrove Tuesday during Carnival. It reenacts the public presentation of the firstborn male child, a form of secular “baptism” performed by masked participants and costumed figures in front of the homes of the families involved, after processing through the streets and alleyways of the village. The eccentric procession, structured around a sequence of codified actions carried out by its protagonists, takes on the characteristics of an implicit initiation and a rite of passage, marking the social birth of firstborn sons as continuers of the lineage and full members of the community that welcomes them.
Anthropologist Elisabetta D’Ambrosio, who was the first to undertake a detailed reconstruction and analysis of the Nerito festival complex—previously unstudied—identified a ritual structure aimed at the “re-foundation of social relationships and the relationship between space and community”. According to her observations in the late 2000s, the Carnival procession included: the Sower, the man who scatters ash; the Poet, riding a mule; the Bishop at his side; the Mammina (midwife figure) on the other side of the Poet; the Bovini (human “oxen”), two young men dressed as cattle who stage sudden escapes; the Bifolco (ploughman), who drives the plough (perticara, a traditional wooden plough) pulled by the Bovini; the Bifolco’s Assistants, responsible for retrieving the Bovini when they break free; and the Table Guards. Field research conducted in 2019 and 2026, together with the analysis of archival materials from the mid-1990s to the early 2000s, reveals a ritual structure subject to continuous micro-variations, reflecting both the creative dimension of Carnival and the year-by-year changes within the community. Additional figures appear and disappear—such as the Witch, the Sheikh, the Friars, the Cow, the Devil, and the Nun—while a horse has replaced the mule; nevertheless, the meaning of the ceremony and the overall structure of the ritual remain substantially unchanged.
The multifaceted procession, accompanied by the organetto (ddu bbottë, a traditional diatonic accordion), advances in a caricatural yet purposeful manner, aware of performing an action awaited by the entire community that follows it. Preceded by the scattering of ash as a good omen, it stops at every household where a Heir is present—the firstborn male child recently born, depending on availability, given the current demographic decline. Here, the family entrusts the child to the Mammina, who places him in the arms of the Poet, who seats him on the pack saddle in front of him. “As the Poet cannot dismount from the mule for the entire duration of the ritual,” notes Elisabetta D’Ambrosio, “so the celebrated children must not touch the ground […] until the Poet has completed his recitation”. This recitation, known as the sunatë (ritual recitation), is addressed to the child through the pianotë (written divinatory script), a sheet of verses composed in the local dialect by Renato Savini, who has long been responsible for drafting them. The “baptism”—the public naming of the Heir—is accomplished through the attribution of a nickname serving as a social identifier linked to the history of the family, “the lineage,” whose particular stories are evoked in the texts and declaimed by the Poet, often in satirical and irreverent tones. At the end, the Bishop delivers his “blessing” with wine, pronouncing formulas that are not entirely religious. According to Elisabetta D’Ambrosio, the Mammina, the Bishop, and the Poet “represent different and complementary types of birth”, respectively biological, spiritual, and social. However, the presence of the Bishop also “recalls the medieval Carnival tradition of the mock bishop, particularly that of the episcopello, the ‘little bishop,’ celebrated on 6 December during the Feast of the Holy Innocents as part of the Feast of Fools”. After offering the Poet a glass of wine and some food, a refreshment prepared by the child’s family is shared among all those present; afterwards, the procession resumes its swaying journey. At times, the Bovini suddenly break free from the yoke, running through the alleys or across the surrounding countryside, only to be recaptured by the Assistants who support the Bifolco and returned to pulling the plough toward the next house, until evening falls and the ritual action reaches its completion at the final stop along the route.
Drawing on the fundamental studies of anthropologist Giovanni Kezich on European Carnival, comparable ceremonial complexes emerge on the horizon, in which elements shared with the Heir of Nerito can be recognised, testifying to the deep connection between Carnival and ritual ploughing of ancient origin. These often feature pairs of “young bulls” subjected to “acts of forced domestication and satirical domination” by peasant performers, accompanied by sowers and cross-dressed figures dressed as old women who lead the processions across English, Slovenian, and Balkan countryside, Alpine mountains, and the hills of southern Italy, engaging in house-to-house rounds of good-luck offerings tied to cyclical renewal.
Stop everyone, I’ll tell you
Nerito di Crognaleto (TE), 5 March 2019.
Recording by Stefano Saverioni,
Don Nicola Jobbi/Bambun Study Centre Archive.
Listen to the track


An Eccentric “Baptism”
The Heir
Photo by Gianfranco Spitilli,
Nerito di Crognaleto (TE), 5 March 2019,
Don Nicola Jobbi/Bambun Study Centre Archive.


An Eccentric “Baptism”
The Mammina
Photo by Gianfranco Spitilli,
Nerito di Crognaleto (TE), 5 March 2019,
Don Nicola Jobbi/Bambun Study Centre Archive.


An Eccentric “Baptism”
The Cow
Photo by Gianfranco Spitilli,
Nerito di Crognaleto (TE), 5 March 2019,
Don Nicola Jobbi/Bambun Study Centre Archive.


An Eccentric “Baptism”
The Plough
Photo by Gianfranco Spitilli,
Nerito di Crognaleto (TE), 5 March 2019,
Don Nicola Jobbi/Bambun Study Centre Archive.


An Eccentric “Baptism”
The Presentation of the Heir
Photo by Gianfranco Spitilli,
Nerito di Crognaleto (TE), 5 March 2019,
Don Nicola Jobbi/Bambun Study Centre Archive.
Watch the video
The Heir
Nerito di Crognaleto (TE), 5 March 2019.
Footage by Stefano Saverioni,
Don Nicola Jobbi/Bambun Study Centre Archive.
Cultural transmission and protection
Since the late 1990s, the Heir—together with the Christmas Fire and other recreational events—has been organised by the Pro Loco di Nerito APS, whose primary mission is “to promote and keep alive the traditions and the village of Nerito,” in particular by overseeing “the organisation and transmission of the Christmas Fire and the Heir”. No specific safeguarding measures have been formally documented; however, the annual commitment of the Pro Loco of Nerito can itself be understood as an activity supporting the transmission of the Heir’s ritual complex, as explicitly stated, fostering the continuity of the practice within the community. In this regard, it is important to recall the considerable efforts of the late Antonio Filipponi, long-time president of the Pro Loco since its foundation, who worked to prevent the Carnival ceremony of the secular “baptism” from falling into disuse due to organisational difficulties, particularly those linked to the decreasing number of newborns in the village.
Significant contributions to the understanding of the phenomenon come from research conducted in the early 2000s by Elisabetta D’Ambrosio at the University of Teramo, within the framework of a research fellowship. She devoted an in-depth study to the ethnographic and socio-anthropological aspects of the Heir, which she defines as a “ritual of public presentation of the firstborn”. D’Ambrosio’s research examines the rite within the dialectic between local and global, highlighting how such a specific tradition manages to persist and maintain its geo-ethnic identity despite processes of globalisation and contemporary social change. At the local level, amateur researchers such as Giuseppe Ceci and Elio Ceci have produced continuous video documentation since the mid-1990s, forming a significant corpus of materials for analysing changes, developments, and structural transformations, and for envisaging potential safeguarding measures to be implemented.
Although its origins are traced back to the medieval period and participation was originally reserved for men only, the rite now involves the entire population, including women. It often concludes with banquets and refreshments offered by the children’s families. Despite increasing difficulties—primarily due to the steady depopulation of the village of Nerito and the reduced number of newborns—the Heir is still celebrated almost every year, depending on the availability of children. It thus remains a moment of strong participation and cohesion for both resident and non-resident community members, in which social bonds, shared symbolic references, and a sense of collective belonging are cyclically reaffirmed, also through the creative and subversive dimension of Carnival, with the frequent introduction of new figures or the customary adaptation of existing ones.







